I was after a very important document that I managed to find. India has begun the process of introducing fourth generation (4G) mobile wireless broadband services, even though the government has yet to finalise a date for its long-pending 3G spectrum auction. The Telecom Regulatory Authority of India (TRAI) yesterday sought industry views on advanced 4G mobile systems, as it prepares a consultation paper on the new technology, that it said would be 10 times faster than 3G.

“It is necessary that our country should be prepared to introduce 4G services at the earliest,” the TRAI said. It said Sweden and Norway had already launched IMT-Advanced (4G) mobile wireless broadband networks and operators in the United States, Korea and Japan were gearing up for these services. The TRAI said it would deliberate on issues such as pricing of spectrum and licensing in its consultation paper. For the TRAI statement, check http://link.reuters.com/hed78h.

India is the world’s second largest and the fastest growing mobile market in terms of subscribers, but most of its networks are of second generation. The country’s plan to auction spectrum for 3G and broadband wireless access (BWA) services has been delayed as defence forces, which have much of the spectrum, are yet to vacate it for civilian use. The auction was set to begin from January 14, but Telecom Minister Andimuthu Raja said on January 12 some of the differences with the defence ministry were yet to be resolved and that a new date had not been agreed upon.

Media reports have said the auction could be delayed until September when the spectrum is expected to be available. As we know, China has already dropped plans of going for 3G and has opted for 4G instead.
The document released by TRAI states:

Telecom Regulatory Authority of India (TRAI) is contemplating on coming up with a consultation paper on IMT-Advanced (4G) Mobile wireless broadband services.

International Mobile Telecommunications-Advanced (IMT-Advanced) systems are mobile systems which include the new capabilities of IMT that go beyond those of IMT-2000. In other words, IMT-Advanced (or 4G) will see progression beyond third-’generation (3G) technology. The new 4G networks will allow users to stream mobile multimedia, such as TV broadcasts and online games, with speeds up to 10 times than that of third-generation (3G) networks. Such systems provide access to a wide range of telecommunication services supported by mobile and fixed networks that are increasingly accessed using hand held devices.

4G network are designed to enable high speed Internet any time, any where. 4G will facilitate higher bandwidth, higher data rate, lower authentication load, and support higher level of user-level customisation. It is expected to provide virtual environment agnostic to network and devices being used.

According to information available, fourth-generation mobile networks have already been commercially launched in Sweden and Norway. The Swedish Post and Telecom Agency has awarded 15-year license for 4G networks in Sweden in May 2008. Operators in other countries like US, Korea, Japan, etc are gearing up to launch IMT-Advanced (4G) Mobile wireless broadband services. It is necessary that our country be prepared to introduce 4G services at the earliest.

TRAI is charged with responsibility of orderly growth of telecom services. In order to facilitate introduction of 4G mobile broadband services, the Authority has decided to deliberate various connected issues such as location and pricing of spectrum for such services and issues related to licensing etc. The objective at this stage is to prepare a consultation paper for wider deliberation, so as to result in recommendations enabling the government to take appropriate decisions or for appropriate regulations by the Authority.

Accordingly, TRAI solicits at this pre-consultation stage, comments/ views from all the stakeholders, by March 15, 2010 on any aspect of 4G which they feel would be relevant to policy making or Regulations.
Till next time, bye!

She was an under graduate who knew very little English. He was a manager in an MNC. Charu was scared her husband’s colleagues would find her an unworthy spouse.

CHARU HAD reluctantly agreed to accompany Chetan to the party his office was holding on New Year’s Eve. It was to be her first official party providing her with an opportunity to interact with Chetan’s colleagues. Ever since their marriage three months earlier, she had not gotten a chance to mix with his office people.

They had not held a wedding reception and were still in the process of setting up their newly acquired flat before they started socialising and inviting people, including his colleagues, for small get-togethers, an in-thing among executives these days.

It had taken a lot of persuasion by Chetan to make Charu agree to accompany him to the party. In fact, his threat that if she was not coming to the party, he would also skip it, had finally worked with her because she knew that, holding one of the top positions in the company, his absence would not be appreciated by his bosses and juniors alike. The management always expected the top managers to join these parties to establish personal rapport with the staff and their families.

“My presence may embarrass you,” an uncertain and not-so-confident Charu had argued.

“No. You don’t bother about it. After all day, somewhere, you have to make a beginning and so why not today?” And to instil a feeling of confidence in her, he added, “Moreover, these parties are like any wedding reception and birthday parties.”

Charu was not sure what she should wear for the party. Not yet exposed to the city’s life of glamour, glitter and glitz, she had no idea what sort of dresses are usually worn for such functions and had sought Chetan’s advice.

“Wear anything you are comfortable in,” he had said.

Though Chetan, right from the day she had come to Delhi with him as his bride, had been insisting that she should visit a boutique and select for herself some shirts, tops, T-shirts and jeans, she had stuck to sari and salwar-kameez, both as formal and casual wear. Similarly, she had continued to tie her hair either in a pigtail or bun, despite Chetan telling her to visit a ladies’ salon and get her hair set in a style that would suit her. But she had refused. “I am okay with my hairstyle,” she had said.

It had not taken long for Charu to get ready. She decided to wear a mustard-coloured sari with a red woollen blouse and had a black shawl draped across her shoulders and barring a light skin-coloured lipstick, she had no make-up and had only a mangal sutra and small earrings by way of jewellery. The only visible and prominent marks that stood out on her face were the sindoor in the parting of her hair and red bindi between her eyebrows.

She looked very graceful, elegant and charming despite her rugged looks and not-so-fair complexion, a perfect picture of simplicity.

The moment they entered the banquet hall, Charu observed some of his female colleagues, with mischievous smiles, talking in whispering tones. ‘They are perhaps commenting on my dress or comparing me with Chetan, a handsome, charming and debonair man,” she thought.

She also noted that most of the ladies, including the wives of top executives, had heavy make-up with stylish hairdos, wearing skirts with blouses, with no inhibition in revealing their cleavages and navels, kurtis with pyjamas, T-shirts with jeans and long gowns but with very light woollens to shield themselves from the cold.

Some wore saris, perhaps just out of compulsion because anything else would not have suited their bulky bosoms and bottoms or disproportionate bodies. Even those who wore salwar-kameez perhaps didn’t want to invite any derisive comments about their anatomy. Suddenly, Charu developed a feeling of inferiority, though anything on her slim and trim body could have gone well.

As Chetan introduced her to his colleagues and their families, she acknowledged their greetings with folded hands, at times ignoring the extended hands for a handshake, prompting Chetan to tell her to grasp their hands or not to hesitate if some male staff member wanted to hug her or a female staffer wanted to plant a peck on her cheeks.

“She looks like a heroine of black and white movies of the 40s,” Charu heard a lady saying as Chetan introduced Charu to her.

“Thanks for not saying she looks like a vamp of that era,” Chetan made a tongue-in-cheek response to the lady’s whisper. She just looked the other way instead of making eye contact with Chetan or Charu.

But the most out-of-tune comment was made by the tall and beautiful, with perfect vital statistics, the model and ramp walker and aspiring TV and cine-star, Chandni, public and press relations executive in Chetan’s company, who had always eyed Chetan and made many attempts to cultivate his friendship. But Chetan, as a matter of principle, avoided interacting and mingling with female staff at the personal level. Even at the official level his interactions with the female staff were confined to the desired limits. He had an image of a strict disciplinarian and a person who tolerated no nonsense.

“So you are Mrs Charu Pande, the wife of the most handsome director of our company,” Chandni said giving a satirical twist to her tone, as Chetan introduced Charu.

“Yes, she is my loveable wife,” Chetan was quick to react and wrapped his arm around Charu’s shoulders and planted a kiss on her cheek.

Chandni gave a wan smile in response. The crimson-faced Charu looked at Chetan in disbelief. As most of the conversations and exchanges were in English, Charu did feel somewhat handicapped. But Chetan provided her a cover by either talking on her behalf or ensuring that she did not feel embarrassed.

After making the rounds and meeting everybody, Charu and Chetan occupied a table from where they were visible to others and also had good view of the stage from where a cultural programme by a professional group and some staff members was being organised.

They shared the table with the MD, Mehra, and his wife. Charu was a bundle of nerves as Chetan introduced her to Mr and Mrs Mehra.

“How do you find your marital life?” Mrs Mehra, a postgraduate in economics and managing a consultancy firm of her own, asked Charu.

Charu just smiled, not knowing how to describe her three-month-old married life.

“Madam, with a husband like me nothing can go wrong with our marital life,” Chetan was quick to interject.

“Why don’t you take up a job instead of whiling away your time at home?” Mrs Mehra continued.
Charu looked at Chetan, who again was quick to say, “Madam, she has a lot of things to do at home. She hardly has any time.”

Charu knew Chetan was telling a lie. As a matter of fact, with a full-time maidservant around she had plenty of time at her disposal. She wished Chetan told Mrs Mehra that his wife was an undergraduate and was studying as an external student and was not well versed in conversing in English. Taking up a job was still a far cry.

“How come, Chetan, your marriage was a hush-hush affair?” Mr Mehra asked. “At least, you could have invited some of your colleagues and close friends.”

No doubt, his bosses, colleagues and close friends had come to know of his marriage only when he had informed his office about it to avail of some fringe benefits that an employee’s spouse gets under the company’s rules.

“Sir, it was my mother who had settled everything,” Chetan said. “Things happened so fast that I couldn’t inform anybody. It was, as they say, chat mangani, pat vivah.”

And no doubt, it was only like that.

Chetan was on holiday in Dehradun where his parents had settled after retirement, when his mother, who had retired as a teacher and was working for an NGO in a village, had suggested Charu, who assisted his mother in her work.

“The girl is still an undergraduate and has only her mother in the family. Her father, an alcoholic, had died when she was in class 10 and she lost her brother, who was studying medicine in Lucknow, in an accident last year. Both she and her brother were giving tuitions to support their studies and family,” his mother had said.

But thinking that Chetan might be looking for a different type of girl, she had added, “But in no way am I trying to pressurise you or want any commitment from you. If you are already committed or involved with somebody, then forget about her.”

Chetan had had a very unpleasant experience in America when he had fallen in love with an NRI girl, his classmate in university, and had even proposed to her. But she had suddenly broken up with him to marry an American businessman, compelling a depressed Chetan to return to India to give himself a break and start a new chapter in his life.

As suggested by his mother, a broken ­hearted Chetan had found nothing wrong in meeting Charu. He found her a simple and shy girl with no urban touch in her personality. He almost found her dumb when he had tried to strike up a conversation with her. She had just shaken her head in the negative when he had asked her whether she had ever been to Delhi, the place she might have to reside if they decided to marry, or ever used a mobile (she had been dependent on the STD booth when she used to make calls to her brother in Lucknow).

She had occasionally seen movies in a cinema theatre and that too when her brother was alive, but now only on the 14″ colour TV given by Chetan’s mother, dished out by the cablewala. She had blushed, looked coyly at Chetan and said, “no” when he had asked her whether at any point of time she had liked or loved a boy, or somebody had expressed his love for her.

It had taken Chetan a couple of weeks to say yes. His parents, mother in particular, were very happy and so were his sister and her husband, and his nephew, who had flown in from Dubai for the wedding.

Charu’s mother had left everything to Chetan’s mother. “Whatever madam will decide, my daughter and I will accept, though I feel Charu is no match for such a nice, highly educated and so well placed a man.” Chetan had assured her that Charu was in no way inferior to him.

The wedding organised by the village panchayat was a very simple and no-frills affair.

A thunderous applause that followed the announcement that Mrs Charu Pande would render a song, brought Chetan’s train of thought to a sudden halt, though he was not surprised. He had himself suggested her name to the organisers of the cultural show. He had very often heard her singing in low tones, joining her voice with the songs played on the stereo.

‘She certainly has some lilt and melody in her voice and the New Year’s Eve party is the best occasion to bring her out from the shackles she was afraid to shake off,’ he had thought. ‘It would be a good exposure for her and certainly a confidence-building exercise.’

A surprised and nonplussed Charu looked at Chetan, who nodded in the affirmative and whispered, “Please go ahead. Don’t feel shy. I know you have a good voice.”

A somewhat reluctant Charu got up and with her head down, started walking to the dais in measured steps.

Once or twice she lifted her head to glance at Chetan, who in turn raised his hands with his thumbs up.

The moment she came on the stage, she was again greeted with another long applause, in which both Mr and Mrs Mehra also joined.

She cleared her throat to give herself some confidence and talked to the gentleman who was conducting the orchestra about the song she was to render.

She chose to sing Yeh zindagi usiki hai jo kisi ka hogaya, pyar main hi kho gaya, a song from an old movie Anarkali. There was absolute silence while she sang.

Her rendition was beyond Chetan’s expectations. He gave her eight points on the scale of 10. It was also obvious from the applause and shouts of ‘once more’.

As she rejoined Chetan, he gave her a hug and kissed her cheeks. A blushing Charu covered her face with her hands to conceal her embarrassment.

“You have a very good voice, Mrs Pande,” Mrs Mehra said. “Keep it up.”

“Yes, lady, you really have a good voice,” Mr Mehra seconded.

Suddenly, Charu was the cynosure of all eyes. Many rushed to congratulate her and even suggested that she should participate in some singing competitions. She acknowledged the greetings with “thanks”, in a voice that sounded confident. But for Charu, it mattered more that she had not let down Chetan.

As they drove back from the party, Chetan again congratulated her.

“Had I flopped?” Charu asked.

“No, you wouldn’t have,” he said. “After all, you are not a bathroom singer. I had heard you singing in the kitchen, in fact.”

He had a laugh in which Charu also joined, though in a somewhat muffed tone.

Chetan could feel that her attending the party and rendering a song had certainly given measure of confidence to her and helped in some of her inhibitions.

‘Not a bad beginning,’ he thought as he stole a glance at her. Her eyes were fixed on a well-lit hoarding showing a bikini-clad model advertising a bath soap.

Courtesy: New Woman

DON’T KNOW about you but I’m quite sick and tired of festivals, feast days, carnivals, holidays, entertainment… galore! So it’s the season of Holi or urban hooliganism as it tends to be out on the streets because only the north Indian migrant workers and service folk who come to “Goa’s Dubai” celebrate it in nostalgic memory of their impoverished lands left behind in Bihar, Uttar Pradesh, Nepal or wherever, to work for a living amongst folk who don’t have to work for a living - at least not like them! Our urban celebrations no longer turn me on because they’re so fake and out of connect!

Why should we celebrate Holi when in our urban milieu we no longer relate to Mother Earth any more? Correct me if I’m wrong but isn’t Holi an agricultural celebration when folk who treat their patch of Mother Earth as “mai-baap” (divine parents) smear each other with coloured powder or gulal to mark the passing of the cold winter months, thanking Mother Earth for vital air, earth and water? Air without which we may not live a minute, water without which we may not live for a week earth without which we may not grow life-giving food to sustain ourselves mind and body, heart and soul?

SERMONISING MOOD

I’M in my usual sermonising mood! As far as I can see urban, industrial animals have no right to celebrate Holi! Where are the villages and farmlands which once fed this ancient land??? They’re all dying for want of tender loving care, collapsing and making way for urban, industrial, cancerous sprawls….if we no longer have a direct, hands-on relationship with the good earth what on earth are we celebrating? What’s there to celebrate if you no longer have a relationship with Mother Earth and barely notice the seasons as they come and go?

You will say, what nonsense, we still eat the fruit of the good earth regardless of whether we live in the countryside or the city! Funny, we eat more out of tins, packages and pouches, because we’re stupid enough to think that what’s in packages defines food…our ways of drinking and eating are so far removed from reality and that’s no wonder we’re so sick in mind and body, heart and soul!

Urban Holi celebrations are a mockery of Mother Earth. Make the connections all the way and you’ll see how urban, industrial civilisation, is arduously engaged in exploiting, raping and killing Mother Earth on so many counts. So much so that when urban heathens celebrate Holi I feel like weeping. We’re insulting Mother Earth and sowing the seeds of our own death. Only the human of the species thinks that by eliminating every other life form on earth they will live in the lap of luxury in mega marbled palaces, relaxing and recreating before idiot box entertainment. If anybody drops by while we’re catching our favourite soap we barely acknowledge them! No, no???

TAKE PLEASURE

IF I want to celebrate Holi I’d go out and find a real honest to goodness countryside farm to see how it’s doing and how the farming community is holding up against the bulldozing of our mega urban and industrial takeover. Well, sorry for being a spoilsport! This said do take pleasure in the first colours of spring time breaking out here and there…the silk cottons are in stark red and hot pink bloom and the copper pods are already shedding their crinkly yellow blossoms with profuse abandonment. Why don’t we use this floral bounty to play Holi, if we must play Holi??? Floral instead of chemical powdered Holi, anyone?

But all this is to say spring’s in the air even in semi-urban Panaji and I wish I could keep it that way. If I were Chief Minister Digambar Kamat for a day I’d freeze all remnants of one-time paddy fields in urban Goa through a special ordinance …and let them stay that way cultivated or not; just as open spaces or gardens for urban citizens to breathe! That’s a pleasant dream! The nightmare in Panaji is that day in and day out I see its last few paddy fields giving way to high rise condominiums and life in this little four-street town will steadily deteriorate to more people, more traffic, more pollution, more urban squalor, more garbage, more stink… and our politicians will, of course, call it modernisation, development, progress… as long as they can continue to loot the public exchequer and feather their own nests of opulence!

Funny, these days I only get various festival wishes via SMS on my cell phone! Wishes a friend from Mumbai, “Rango ke tyohar mein, sabhi rango ki bharmar, kha key gujiya, pee key bhaang, lagake thoda sa rang, bajake dholak, pichkari ki dhar, gulal ki banchar, apno ka pyar, dher sari khushiyon se bharaho aapka sansar… yehi dua bhagwan se hai hamari har bar…Holi mubarak!”

I forgot! Holi is also about eating in the North Indian tradition…things like the kanji ke bare, papri and sweetmeat gujia…very Punjabi fare and both time consuming and difficult to make, especially the traditional kanji ke bare which are made in large lots before Holi and to last for the entire Holi season (the spicy savoury tart kanji ke bare are worth learning how to make for they’re delicious, they have to acquire their flavour out in the sun in a matka or terracot pot for eight days!). Jelebi, of course, is easier to find at a farsan outlet! Of course, up north it’s traditional to drink marijuana or bhang-laden rich milk drink called thandai while gadding about from home to home to play Holi. It’s yet another one of Hinduism’s festivals celebrating victory of good over evil (e.g. in this case the legend of Prahlad, Lord Vishnu’s little devotee who was consigned to burn on the lap of his aunt Holika, in a bonfire ordered by King Hiranyakashyap, the arrogant Asur father of Prahlad).

Holi is also associated with the youthful romping around romance of Lord Krishna with child hood friend Radha…one of our most enduring religious romances. All extramarital romances of yore were religious in nature!

IT IS called ‘king of fruits’ and ‘fruit of the kings’. Which fruit of Goa has seven percent of global diversity? Is not saving Goan mangoes as important a task as saving the Royal Bengal tigers? What do we do if we lose this gene pool? I am alarmed by the rapid biodiversity erosion of Goan mango varieties. Global Goan mango lovers need to petition the Agriculture Department of Goa and the three MPs on this issue. In the current international year of biodiversity, the slogan should be “Save Goan Mangoes from extinction” or “Sambaluya Goenchya amyache girest daiz”.

ORIGIN

MANGO (Mangifera indica L.) (Anacardiaceae) has its origin in the Indo-Burma region during the earlier period of the Cretaceous era. India has the world’s largest mango gene pool. Mango spread from India to other countries. Within India, Goa has the largest number of mango varieties.

According to me, Goan mangoes are the indigenous ‘mangoes of Goa’,  either one of the 100+ catalogued varieties or those traditionally proven cultivars which have a definite origin in Goa and have a history of  cultivation in Goa mostly organically.

Unique. Goa has a rich diversity of 100-110 varieties of mango which represents 10-11% of India’s mango diversity (with 1000 cultivars) and seven percent of  global mango diversity (1600 cultivars). This is remarkable for a small state. It means that for every 34 sq kms geographical area, Goa has a different, unique mango cultivar. This was magic of classical grafting techniques. The ICAR-Goa monograph records only 50-60 varieties. There are no dedicated commercial plantations. Just about 3000 hectares of land is under mango cultivation. This means the cultivar density is very high — a large number of different cultivars occupy a small cultivation area.

Thousands of mango trees have been cut in the villages without even attempting re-plantations. A 100-year-old tree on Merces lake, described majestically by St Cruz’s poet laureate Paulino Dias, was cut mercilessly to permit ever growing lakeside encroachments. A mango tree on NH 17 A, which survives near the GMC bus stop, opposite the Dental college complex, was saved from slaughter due to my efforts 20 years ago. When mango trees get slaughtered, no biodiversity impact assessment is made to check whether any rare variety gets lost. The village panchayats also have no record of the wealth of mango cultivars. A globally rare mango variety like  ‘Ananas’ found only at Cansaulim, Mormugao taluka (village of T B Cunha, Chandrakant Keni, Matanhy Saldanha and many others) might have been lost already. Only two trees were reported in that village. These were the only two last surviving trees of Ananas mango variety anywhere in the world. If by chance, any more such trees are found in Cansaulim, it is duty of the owners to conserve them and propagate the germplasm.

The peak season for Goan mangoes is from end of April to mid June. The best mangoes are sold in May.

REMINISCENCES

1969: We feast on a basket of Malacorado mangoes. At a time, we buy 100-150 mangoes. A certain supplier from Chorao delivers the mangoes. In May, we see 30-40 varieties of local mangoes in the market.

1979: Mango prices increase with the boom in tourism. But we can still afford to buy the best local varieties. Totapuri, Neelam are not seen in the market.

1989: Very few varieties of local mangoes (15-20) are found in markets. Still good quality Malcorado, Fernandin, bemcurado are sold at affordable rates.

1999: Alphonso mangoes are marketed in Goa in large quantities. Neelam, Totapuri also dominate the market. The number of local varieties goes down. In Mapusa market, one could see 20-25 varieties.

2001- In 21st century Goa, mango prices go through the roof. In Panaji market a local tribal woman refuses to tell me the price: “Te mharog, tuka te parvadache nat” (don’t ask the price, you would not be able to purchase them). A new culture has developed. The mango sellers can determine your purchasing power (for mangoes). I tell the woman that I spend more money on expensive apples. Best quality Alphonso mangoes are sold for Rs.200 per dozen. Mango diversity is not seen in the market — only 10-15 varieties are detected.

2009: A bad year for local mangoes. Climate change also affects the production. I fail to purchase any local mangoes. Reasons? Poor quality and high prices. As for diversity, only 10-12 varieties are seen with Malges dominating.

2010: Reports indicate that local mangoes will be very expensive. The first crops attract a premium price of Rs.100 each, a record.

The future?!

2020: Cheap, branded, transgenic mangoes replace Goan mangoes.

Goa urgently needs a Mango Mission and a global movement to “Save Goan mangoes”. Otherwise, by 2015-20, Goa will be left with only 10-15 varieties.

Reproduced here is my preface to a book of mango recipes - A treasure trove of Goan Mango dishes (Rajhauns, 1998) written by my sister Ms Nilima, now in second edition.

BASIC FACTS

Family. Anacardiaceae

Scientific Name. Mangifera indica

Origin. South and Southeast Asia

Description. Mango is a large, deep-rooted, symmetrical evergreen tree growing to 20-30 m high and 25-30 m wide. It has simple, alternate, lanceolate leaves 30cms to 40 cms  long that are yellow-green, purple or copper coloured when young, turning leathery, glossy and deep green when mature. New leaves arise in terminal growth flushes that occur several times a year. The pyramidal flower panicles borne on mature terminal branches contain several hundred pale pink to white flowers that are about ¼ inch wide when open.
Most of the flowers function as males and provide pollen, but some are bisexual and set fruit. Pollination is by flies, wasps, and bees.  The fruit weighs about 120g to 1400g. Fruit shape varies according to variety and may be round, ovate or obovate. The colour of immature fruit is green, gradually turning to yellow, orange, purple, red, or combinations of these colours as the fruit matures. Mature fruit has a characteristic fragrance and a smooth, thin, tough skin. The flesh of ripe mangos is pale yellow to orange and is juicy, sweet and sometimes fibrous. The single seed is usually large and flattened and adheres to the flesh. The seed contains one or more embryos, depending on variety or type.

Mangoes are commonly peeled and eaten fresh as a dessert fruit but are also used in juice preparation and made into preserves, chutney, dried slices and pickles. The recipes in this book include many of these mouth-watering preparations.

MANGO HERIT AGE

MANGO, scientifically known as Mangifera indica, is known as king of the fruits and the fruit of the kings. Mango has interesting mythology, folklore, culture and symbolism in Indian civilisation. The magic of mango has cast its spell on this country for at least 4000 years. According to the eminent historian of Indian agriculture, Dr M S Randhawa, no other fruit is so closely associated with the Indian civilisation as the mango. The original home of mango is in Assam, Burma (Myanmar) and Thailand. The word manga is of Malay origin.

The different names for mango include amra or am in Sanskrit (the word am for mango seems to resemble the old tamil omai or ma: it could be of southern origin); amri in Gujarati; Amba in Marathi, mavin hannu in Kannada; and ambo in Konkani.

The Portuguese called it manga from the Tamil man-kay or man-gay. The genus Mangifera has 41 valid species. All edible species belong to M. indica. A mango tree attains an age of hundred years or more. India has more than 1000 cultivars (different types) of mango. The small western coastal state of Goa itself boasts more than 100 cultivars. Basically mangoes can be divided in two types, the sucking and the table type. The sucking type has thin juice and more fructose. Commercial table types have thick pulp and more sucrose. Mango is indeed the king of fruits because it occupies the first place in India in terms of the area and production among all the fruits. India has 11.16 lakh hectares under the mango crop with a production of 92.23 lakh tonnes and a productivity of 8.11 metric tonnes.

With better cultivation practices, this could be raised to 15MT.  Mango as a major horticultural crop has established a sustainable economy. Mango cultivation, production, marketing, processing employs about 50 million people countrywide. More mango production will create more employment opportunities.

The diversity of mango varieties in India is truly amazing. In Uttar Pradesh you get dusheri, safeda, fazri, chausa, taumuria, Langra and in Bihar hemsagar, krishnabhog, sindurai, sukra are popular. The land of Gurudev Tagore, West Bengal, is famous for murshidabadi and fazli malda. In Andhra Pradesh, they prefer rumani, neelam, benishan, totapuri, malgoa and goabunder varieties whereas in Karnataka they cultivate maddappa, peter and fernandin. Originally Goan, the alfonso variety is popular in Maharashtra. By no means this list is complete.

MANGO-LORE OF INDIA

THE mango was probably not known to the Vedic Aryans because there are no notices of mango in Rigveda. The noted food historian K T Achaya is rather surprised that it is only as late as the Samhitas and Brahmanas of the Yajurveda that the fruits are first mentioned. The reference to Amra first occurs in the Satpatha brahmanas. References to mango occur in Ramayana (2.49.9), Mahabharata (3.158.44), Patanjali’s Mahabhashya, Panini’s ashtadhyai (8.4.5) and in the Buddhist and Jain literature, Charak and Sushruta samhitas. The Brihadaranyakopanishada (4.3.36) compares the death of the person to separation of the ripe mango from its stalk. The use of mango juice appears to be as old as Buddhism. The Abhantar jataka tells the story of king Kosala who plucked ripe mangoes from his orchard and prepared a sweetened mango juice. It cured his stomach ailment. The fruit beverages allowed by Buddha for monks were of eight kinds, which included the juice of ripe mangoes to be drunk in the evening. Kautilya’s arthashastra mentions a kind of liquor called Sahakarsura made from Mango juice. The emperors imposed a tax on mango-asava (wines) during the Mauryan period. Kautilya, in his arthashastra, advises the citizens to plant mango trees near the wells. Varahamihira comments on the custom of planting mango trees to demarcate property boundaries. During his expedition to India, Alexander the great was impressed by the mango gardens in Sindh in 327 BC.
From the Mauryan age onwards, the emperors keenly promoted mango cultivation in India. The Moghul emperor Akbar planted one lakh mango trees at Darbhanga-Bihar at a place which later came to be known as lakshabaga.

In mythology. The Puranas refer to the lord of Kanchi as “ekamparanatha” meaning the lord of the mango tree. It was in the form of Amreshwara — a mango tree in which Lord Shiva gave shelter to the sage Markandeya at the time of the great deluge. In Bhavishottara purana, it is said that he who plants at least five mango trees will never see hell. Brihatsamhita mentions the use of mango wood for making images of gods. The Tamil classic Silappadikaram (200-500 AD), mentions mango as a major fruit of the region.

Impresses travellers. Foreign travellers to India have not ignored the magic of mango in their travel accounts. Chinese pilgrims Fa Hien (405-411 AD) and Hien Tsang (630-645 AD) mention mangoes in their account. Ibn Haukal (950 AD), an Arab geographer from Baghdad, stated that mangoes were produced in great abundance round Cambay in Gujarat. The Moroccan geographer Al Idrisi (1080 ad) mentions mangoes in Ibn batuta (1340 AD). Ma-huan (1406 AD) was an interpreter in the huge party of 30,000 led by Cheng Ho, which was sent abroad in 62 ships by the Chinese emperor. He mentions the abundance of mangoes in Bengal. Italian traveller Ludovico de Varthema (1503-1508) reported on mangoes.

In art, literature and rituals. The mango tree, fruit-bearing branches, leaves, blossom and fruits have influenced Indian art and literature. Sculptures at Barhut show a mango tree. Mango was a favourite fruit and apart from trees, the fruit bearing branches are also depicted both at Barhut and Sanchi in Madhya Pradesh. The Yakshi standing under a fruiting mango tree which decorates a gateway to Stupa I at Sanchi is a masterpiece of Indian sculpture. In their classic book, Indian art historians Marshall and Foucher comment on the beauty of this sculpture: “Swaying gracefully from a branch of a mango tree, the vrikshaka is singularly beautiful. Holding with both hands to the arching bough of the mango tree, the salabhanjika “curves the woodbine of her body” in an attitude which brings out her breasts ”like urns of gold”. The sculptural type represents a pleasing compromise between the court lady and the woman of the woods. The mango frequently occurs among the sculptures of Barhut. In the relief showing presentation of Jetavana monastery, a mango tree is shown. A Sunga period work at Barhut depicts mango tree and fruits in bas relief. Mango motif is used as ornamentation in jewellery and textiles.

Poets like Kalidasa use the beauty of mango trees, orchards, blossoms in their works. The Sanskrit poetic names show the romance of the Indian poets with mango. Mango is variously called Vasantaduta (messenger of spring), Madhudata (giver of honey), Kamang (cupids’ embodiment), Kokilvasa (abode of cuckoos) or Kamavallabha (amorous). One of Kamadeva’s floral arrows is that of amra-manjiri (mango blossoms). Amir Khusro, the medieval turkoman poet saint, praised mangoes in his Persian works.

Mango dominates Indian folk rituals. Mango leaves are prominently used in rituals to ward off evil. The Mangala-kalasha (Holy urn) is decorated with mango leaves. Mango trees and fruit are considered as symbols of fertility and prosperity. During the Hindu female festival of Vata-Poornima, women distribute mangoes as prasad. During the month of Chaitra, tribal farmers in Chhattisgarh and Nagpura perform the ceremony of worshipping the first mango fruit. Some tribals first perform the mock wedding of a mango tree and then eat the fruit. In some tribals, there is a custom of marrying the bridegroom first with a mango tree and then the bride. Markam tribals have mango as totem. There are some strange beliefs associated with mangoes. For example, the Gadaba and Konda tribals relate mangoes to male testicles.

MANGO IN GOA

THE Kadambas of Goa (1000-1350 AD) and later the governors of Vijayanagara empire (1380-1472 AD) promoted mango orchards in Goa close to temple complexes and in their capital cities. The local self-governed village associations of Goa, the gaunkaris, brought huge areas under mango cultivation. Goa has over 100 cultivars of mango grown over an area of 3700 hectares and yielding about 35-40,000 MT. The diversity of mango cultivars reflects the years of efforts in grafting. Although crude methods of grafting were known in India, the Portuguese perfected the art of mango grafting in Goa. Only the dominant and popular varieties enter the market. These include mankurad, hilario, salcete mussarat, bardez mussarat, malgesh, nicolau afonso, xavier, udgo, culas, fernandin, goa alfonso, karel, furtad, costa, sakri, rosa, bishop. Mankurad is very popular as a table fruit. Hilario is the sweetest mango in India. Karel is preferred for pickles. Mussarat is good for jams and jellies. The famous Portuguese doctor Garcia de Orta in his ‘Colloquios dos simplices and drogas e cousas medicinais da India’ (1567) devotes an entire chapter to the mango. He reports the medicinal uses of mango. The baked mango seeds fight against congestion and the bitter mango kernel is an intestinal de-worming agent. A British traveller, Dr John Fryer (1673), an East India company surgeon, praises the mango varieties found in Goa. Captain Alexander Hamilton (1727) wrote, “The Goa mango is reckoned the largest and most delicious to the taste of any in the world and the wholesomest and best tasted of any fruit in the world.” The French doctor Bernier (1765), after tasting the mango jam/jelly, wrote “There is no more delicious jam or jelly in the world.”

Mango in diplomacy. Mango diplomacy is something unheard of in India. But the documents in Goa archives tell a different story. Renowned Indo-Portuguese historian Pandurang Pissurlenkar has reported that during the 16-17th century, Alfonso mangoes were sent to Delhi for obtaining the favours of the Moghul emperors and their influential nawabs. The Bhonsules of Sawantwadi were also engaged in such mango diplomacy. The Portuguese governors in Goa used to send baskets of Goan Alfonso and Fernandin mangoes to the Peshwas of Pune. Portuguese diplomat at Pune, Vithalrao Valaulikar, wrote in 1792 to the governor in Goa to ban all private trade in mangoes from Goa to Deccan markets so as to increase the novelty and value of Goan mango varieties. The Portuguese introduced a system of special permits for private traders to export prized varieties of mangoes from Goa.

Goan mango grafts. It is not known whether the permit system was applicable to Goan mango grafts. The work done by the Portuguese missionaries and the Goan cultivators popularised Goan mango grafts. The first reference to the grafting of mango trees is to be found in a 1710 publication by Jesuit priest Francisco de Souza. Father Clemente da Ressureicao in his ‘Tratado de Agricultura’ (1872) describes grafting techniques. Bernardo Francisco da Costa in his manual ‘Practico Do Agricultor Indiano’ (1872) wrote on mango cultivation methods.

He founded the first canning factory in India in 1882 and made a case for exporting Goan mangoes in the shape of slices in syrup as well as jelly form. Bernado da Costa could be considered a pioneer in modern mango processing in India. Another Portuguese mango-lover, General Joao de Sampayo (1902), in his booklet A Mangueira, lists 33 mango varieties in Goa. A recent publication by ICAR-GOA Centre lists more than 100 varieties. Mangoes from Goa were exported to Brazil in 1811. The British took the Goa Pires variety to Bombay. It came to be called as Bombay pairi. From Bombay, the mango reached the islands of West Indies under the British control. Famous voyager Captain Cook found mangoes in Jamaica in 1788. The Jamaicans still call their mangoes “Bombay mangoes”. References to mangoes are found in Gabriel Garcia Marquez’s novels.

]]> http://goanobserver.com/goa-losing-precious-heritage.html/feed http://goanobserver.com/wine-tasting-in-bordeaux.html http://goanobserver.com/wine-tasting-in-bordeaux.html#comments Sun, 07 Mar 2010 10:30:07 +0000 goanobserver http://goanobserver.com/?p=1357 By Ben Antao

A memorable trip to the vineyards of France…

ON THE afternoon of September 21 we arrived in Bordeaux, about 310 miles southwest of Paris by the high speed train called TGV (Train à Grande Vitesse), in about three hours. Before checking into our hotel Mercure Chateau Chartrons, Filipe told us the story surrounding the monument in the city plaza called Place des Quinconces, dedicated to the Deputés Girondins. Victims of the reign of terror in the aftermath of the French Revolution, twenty-two Deputés of Bordeaux known as Girondins were accused of conspiring against the Revolution and executed at this site.

The memorial to Girondins (1789-1989) marked the second centenary of the Revolution. At the bottom of the 43 m tall tower are two beautiful fountains and ponds, with sculptures paying homage to native sons, Montaigne and Montesquieu. Marinella took several pictures of the fountains, including the sculpture of a chariot led by horses with smoking nostrils. At the top stands a bronze statue of Liberty breaking her chains.

VINEYARD

IT was a cloudy morning when we arrived at the vineyard of Clos La Madeleine in St Emilion, about 20 miles northeast of Bordeaux city. The estate, founded in 1860, lay in the valley with symmetrical rows of grape vines, some ripened and ripening, cultivated over three types of soil — flat, plateau, slope — to yield different varieties of grapes and wine. Prior to a wine tasting, the owner told us that Bordeaux region produces 55,000 bottles of red wine annually, with St Emilion bottling 4000.

The soil is mostly clay, he said, with vine roots going down to 12-15 ft. The process of fermentation takes 11-14 weeks in wooden vats, after which the wine is transferred to oak barrels where it ages for 12-14 months. Harvesting of grapes takes place in September and October, depending on the weather.

The wine-tasting presentation was held inside a cave-like interior in the mountain where the temperature is deemed right for the wine to preserve its body, colour and taste. It is best to decant the wine for about an hour before drinking.x If decanting is not an option, then one should uncork the bottle and let it breathe for about an hour at room temperature. This allows the wine to expire its alcohol and readies it for a smooth taste. After pouring half a glassful, hold the glass in the palm of your hand for a minute to warm the wine, then swirl it gently to air it out. Then take a sip and enjoy it. The red wines produced at Emilion are blended with 75% Merlot, 15% Cabernet Sauvignon, and 10% Cabernet Franc. This blend was for sale: €240 for a case of six (750 ml). Several members in our group purchased bottles of wine after the presentation.

Afterwards, we drove up to the hill village of St Emilion for lunch. This village with narrow cobblestone streets is named after a hermit who settled there in the eighth century, in a small cave with an underground spring. The cave was later enlarged to make a monolithic cathedral. We had lunch in the outdoor section of the Bar de la Poste, after which Marinella climbed to the top of the cathedral area for photos. After the paying the bill, I said “A bientot,” to which the teenage waitress replied, “A bientot,” as if I’d meant to really come back soon.

BIARRITZ BEACH

THE next morning we stopped at Biarritz, the Atlantic seacoast resort in the French Basque country. Filipe told us that Biarritz gained fame in the 19th century when Empress Eugenie, the wife of Napoleon III, fell in love with this part of the Basque country and built a palace on the beach and a centre with natural springs. Foreign royalty who stayed at her palace included Queen Victoria of Britain. Russian nobility also lived here before the Revolution of 1917. Brigitte Bardot, dubbed the sex kitten following her role in the film And God Created Woman, vacationed here with her family in the 50s. Today the palace has been converted into a luxury Hotel du Paris, and across from the hotel stands the Russian Orthodox Church built in 1892.

The sun was out, with the temperature in the low 20s. I was excited to dip my feet into the Atlantic Ocean and taste its salt water. I’m a sucker for sea beaches, having grown up in Goa on the Arabian Sea. The last time I tasted salt water was in Pachino, Sicily, in October 2007 on the beach where the Allied Forces had landed in July 1943.

Hotel du Paris was visible to my right when I stepped onto the soft, grainy beach. In the ocean to my left stood a covey of huge rocks and straight ahead some men on surfboards were riding the waves. I took off my walking shoes and socks and asked Marinella to hold them. Rolling up the pant cuffs over my knees, I walked down eagerly and stood in the water. It was low tide but the waves rolled in as per their accustomed ebb and flow, splashing my feet with cold suds. I bent down, scooped some water with my palm and tasted it. Ah, it was tasty and reminded me of home. I stood there for another couple of minutes, allowing my wife to click on her digital camera.

Then we took the footbridge nearby to the islet named Rocher de la Vierge. Here stood the Rock of the Virgin statue, erected in 1865, said to have protected the sailors and fishermen in the Bay of Biscay. The views from here were picturesque, with giant rocks below the statue, bringing to mind a similar formation of the rocks of Scylla and Charybdis described in Homer’s Odyssey. We walked about the downtown area for a while, had lunch, withdrew some money from a bank machine, and looked forward to the drive to Lourdes.

GAVARNIE

WE drove through the breathtaking Pyrenees to a picturesque mountain village of Gavarnie, about 50 km southeast from Lourdes. The village at an altitude of 1,375 metres actually lies in the valley with the mountains around it rising to 9000 feet. We sat at a local bar and café, whose owner offered us a snack of local cheese, ham, bread and wine.

Filipe drew our attention to the top of the mountain where the Cirque de Gavarnie is located, a glacial amphitheatre, 890 m in diameter and rising to 1400 metres from its base. The cirque was formed by a hollow in the slope, which gradually enlarged through the freeze-thaw action and glacial erosion at the head of the glacier. A walking tour of the cirque from Gavarnie is said to take about two hours. It is part of the Pyrenean National Park and classified as a UNESCO world heritage site.

It was sunny in the valley, with the temperature around 22C, and we could see the waterfalls from the snows that fed the creek below near the café. The landscapes looked pretty as the sun highlighted the lush greenery of the mountain ranges. Not far from the creek a family of eight cattle with sleek brown-hued hides was grazing leisurely in the warm sunlight, imprinting on my mind a pastoral scene, unbelievable if I hadn’t seen it in the Pyrenean slope of a meadow. I say family because one cow had lain down sideways on the grass, sleeping indulgently, while next to it a calf was snuggling her nose at her mother’s throat, demonstrating her unmistakable bond and fond affection.

CARCASSONNE

THE next day (September 25) east of Lourdes, we stopped at Carcassonne, the fortress city noted for its role during the Crusades when it was a stronghold of Cathars, who believed in the dualism of God as good and evil. In 1247 it came under the rule of the kingdom of France when King Louis IX founded the new part of the town across the River Aude.

Felipe narrated the legend of a lady named Carcas who apparently stopped the siege of the town during the reign of Charlemagne by a ruse of the joyous ringing of bells (Carcas sona). Since Charlemagne became emperor of the Holy Roman Empire in the year 800, the timeline of the ruse seemed farfetched to me, but what the heck, I thought, of such stuff are legends made!

Today the restored fortress of Carcassonne is an impressive historical monument and a tourist destination. Inside its ramparts stands the Basilica of St Nazaire and St Celse, first built in the 11th century and restored in the 14th century, still open for prayer and masses. Its tall stained glass window and the enormous baptism font looked awesome. As in other parts of old France, the cobblestone lanes are steep and narrow, lined with little cafes and gift shops.

As it was the lunch hour, Filipe told us to try the local food delicacy called Cassoulet, a spicy French stew reputed to have fortified the hungry troops to defend Carcassonne and defeat the invaders. I thought I’d try the dish, even after the waiter told me it would take 30 minutes to prepare it. When it arrived, I found the stew of pork sausage, duck and beans rather bland and flavourless. The only element hot about it was the high degree of heat.

While I was waiting for my cassoulet, I saw a family of five, two men and three women, take a table across from me in the outdoor section. First they ordered salad and two bottles of red wine. The older man uncorked his bottle and set it down to breathe. They chatted amiably while they ate bread and the salad, giving me the impression of being close friends or part of the extended family. They ordered a second course and only after it had arrived did the man begin to pour the wine in the glasses. I was fascinated to watch this ritual, as it reminded me of what I had heard at the wine tasting in St Emilion. When the man finally lifted his glass and swirled it before sipping the wine, my dish had arrived. The family was dressed in going-out attire, spoke French and enjoyed their repast as though accustomed to this way of life.

The above essay is from the author’s forthcoming travelogue Tour de France, which he visited in September 2009. Ben Antao, a Canadian Goan living in Toronto, is a journalist and novelist who has published five novels and several short stories and non-fiction. Blood & Nemesis, Penance, The Tailor’s Daughter, Living on the Market and The Priest and His Karma are his novels. His non-fiction includes the memoir, Images of the USA (2009) and travelogues Goa A Rediscovery and The Lands of Sicily. His email: ben.antao@rogers.com.

]]> http://goanobserver.com/wine-tasting-in-bordeaux.html/feed http://goanobserver.com/pawar-supporting-seven-to-secure-aldeia-stake.html http://goanobserver.com/pawar-supporting-seven-to-secure-aldeia-stake.html#comments Sun, 07 Mar 2010 10:25:44 +0000 goanobserver http://goanobserver.com/?p=1356 By Rajan Narayan

AND A few more stray thoughts and a few more observations for yet another Sunday. For a Sunday following the week when Sudin Dhavlikar managed to retain his kodel in the cabinet because of Pawar-giri. For a Sunday following the week when Manohar Parrikar intensified his campaign against illegal mining in the state. For a Sunday following the week when the Russians fell out with the villagers of Morjim and Arambol. For a Sunday following the week when the corruption within the police, particularly the Anti Narcotics Cell, was exposed. For a Sunday following the week when Home Minister Ravi Naik strengthened his alleged hold over the drug mafia in the state. For a Sunday following the week when there were protests in Maharashtra over fake Goa liberation freedom fighters.

PAWAR-GIRI

AND a few stray thoughts on why Sharad Pawar, the union Agriculture Minister and NCP chief, sabotaged the reshuffling of the Digamber Kamat cabinet which would have cost Sudin Dhavlikar his place in the cabinet. Indeed the last rites had already been administered to Sudin Dhavlikar’s kodel in the cabinet as transport minister. The dissident lobby within the Congress has been very unhappy about the dropping of Pandurang Madkaikar and Dayanand Narvekar, Congress members, from the cabinet to accommodate Sudin Dhavlikar and Babush Monserrate, members of the group of seven permanently rebellious MLAs extending support to the Digamber Kamat government.

Digamber Kamat, on his part, has been anxious to drop Babush Monserrate, who has been the originator of most of the mutinies against his position as chief minister, and reinstate Dayanand Narvekar, who was dropped from the cabinet ostensibly because a charge-sheet had been filed against him in the cricket ticket scam. The Congress High Command had given Digamber Kamat the green signal to drop both Sudin Dhavlikar and Babush Monserrate from the cabinet to re-induct Dayanand Narvekar and Pandurang Madkaikar. The Chief Minister, who does not have an equation with either Dayanand Narvekar or Babush Monserrate, decided to test the waters by implementing only one part of the High Command directive which was to drop Sudin Dhavlikar and replace him by Pandurang Madkaikar. Digamber Kamat probably thought that it would be far easier to drop Dhavlikar as his wife, if not Dhavlikar himself, had been implicated in the Margao and Sancoale blasts that occurred on the eve of Diwali.

SWEARING-IN

AS is well known by now, the arrangements for dropping Sudin Dhavlikar and swearing in Pandurang Madkaikar had already been finalised and the media informed about the swearing in ceremony. Unfortunately for Digamber Kamat, Speaker Pratapsingh Raoji Rane strongly objected to the dropping of Sudin Dhavlikar from the cabinet, presumably because of the historical ties between the Ranes and the Dhavlikars. The only truth in Sudin Dhavlikar’s statement in denying the allegations of his very close links with the Sanatan Sanstha is that seven generations of his family have been involved with spirituality meaning that he comes from a community of professional priests.

But what took Digamber Kamat by shock and surprise was a vociferous and vehement demand from NCP Chief Sharad Pawar demanding that the status quo be maintained and that Sudin Dhavlikar should not be dropped from the cabinet. We understand that it was not Jose Philip D’Souza, the leader of the NCP Legislative Party in the state, but Vishwajit Rane who contacted Sharad Pawar to get in to intervene to maintain the status quo and call off the scheduled dropping of Sudin Dhavlikar and the swearing in of Pandurang Madkaikar in his place. Vishwajit Rane has been the blue-eyed boy of Sharad Pawar ever since he committed his support and that of his group to the NCP.

NCP VULNERABLE

THE local NCP dare not antagonise Vishwajit Rane because the three MLAs belonging to the group could easily be marginalised by Digamber Kamat if he wishes to because even if the NCP withdraws support, the Digamber Kamat government would still retain its majority as long as it had the support of Vishwajit Rane and the Dhavlikar brothers. The real mystery therefore is: why did Sharad Pawar seek to intervene so vehemently in favour of Sudin Dhavlikar, knowing fully well that both Sudin Dhavlikar and his wife had been implicated in the bomb blast attributed to the Sanatan Sanstha? As a member of the union cabinet, Sharad Pawar could not have been unaware of the fact that the National Investigation Agency had also confirmed the involvement and even the funding of the Sanatan Sanstha by the Dhavlikar brothers. In politics, economic compulsions and interests of individual politicians and even senior leaders has always taken precedence over public interest.

I understand that the reason why Sharad Pawar intervened so vehemently was because he is allegedly closely associated with the largest and most high profile mega housing project in the state, namely the Aldeia de Goa. Hotel industry circles have been insisting that the controversial Hyatt hotel which is coming up very fast in the Aldeia de Goa complex is built on property owned by Sharad Pawar.  The hotel project is mired in controversy and the promoters, allegedly Sharad Pawar and company, have been accused of violating both TCP rules on hill cutting and CRZ regulations. Presumably Sharad Pawar is banking on the group of seven to back him if finally the Supreme Court upholds the claim that the hotel project is illegal and should be demolished because it has come up in violation of CRZ rules. It is not just Sharad Pawar but several members of the Maharashtra cabinet, notably Narayan Rane, who have extensive business interest in Goa and have a stake in the political equations in the state.

ILLEGAL MINING

AND a few stray observations on Manohar Parrikar’s insistence that more than half the cabinet is involved in illegal mining, directly or indirectly — a fact which has been confirmed to me by a leading established mine owner. Not just the established mining families like the Salgaocars, the Timblos and the Chowgules but even the Goa Mineral Ore Exporters Association has complained about illegal mining and demanded that the Chief Minister should take action against illegal mining. This is because the irresponsible activities of the illegal miners are creating problems for the organised sector of the industry. Unlike the established groups, which have invested huge amounts of money in infrastructure including infrastructure to reduce the adverse effect of mining, those engaged in illegal mining are fly by night operators who have entered the business just to make a quick buck and have no long term stake in the mining industry.

Till the Regional Plan 2011 was scrapped most politicians, which includes the majority of the members of the cabinet, were involved in the real estate business. Babush Monserrate had readily agreed to the demands for conversion of all his political associates, including demands from the then opposition in a spirit of loot and let loot. When the Regional Plan 2011 was scrapped, a number of politicians who had entered the real estate business to take advantage of the booming real estate prices found themselves without a major source of income. Many of them switched to mining, which became very lucrative when China entered the market for ore from Goa.

The politicians extorted the right to operate mining leases standing in the name of various individuals who had given up mining because in the pre-Chinese boom period it was not very viable and required huge investments. The advantage that the politicians enjoyed is that they could get away with operating the mines even without complying or securing the necessary clearances from the Ministry of Environment and Forests and the Goa State Pollution Control Board. The complaints regarding overloading and irresponsible behaviour by transporters of ore have come from not only the affected people, but also from the established mine owners. In the case of the protest over the irresponsible transport of ore even during the curfew hours in Panchwadi, the complaint came from an established mining group — the Chowgules.

RTO COLLUSION

THE RTO has very benignly been overlooking complaints against irresponsible and illegal transport of ore because Transport Minister Sudin Dhavlikar and his brother Deepak Dhavlikar are allegedly not only involved in mining but have a major stake in the transport of ore. When we were trying to list the members of the cabinet who were into illegal mining directly or were involved in support services like hiring machinery and trucks for the transport of ore illegally mined, we discovered that probably three-fourths of the cabinet and the Legislative Assembly of Goa have a stake and a vested interest in illegal mining. Indeed among the senior political leaders in the state, the only top level leader who is not involved in any kind of mining activity directly or indirectly is the leader of the opposition Manohar Parrikar.

ARAB AND CAMEL

AMONG. the other reasons for the NCP chief’s support for Sudin Dhavlikar and the group of seven is reported to be the directive from the Union Minister for Environment Jairam Ramesh to Chief Minister Digamber Kamat to crack down on illegal mining. The group of seven, along with other ministers and MLAs involved directly or indirectly in mining, is concerned that the proposed mining policy might affect their personal interests. Not just the Regional Plan 2021 but also the mining policy which might create problems for the black sheep among the political mining lobby is reported to have been among the main reasons for the demand for a change in leadership. Digamber Kamat is in an acute dilemma because he cannot afford to crackdown on illegal mining if he wishes to retain the chief minister’s kodel.

ANTI-RUSSIAN

AND a few stray thoughts on why Russians and the residents of Morjim and other coastal villages have fallen out. It is not as though the Russian presence in Morjim and Arambol is new. Indeed the Russian tourists have been the backbone of the economy of several coastal villages in North Goa. Some leading residents of Morjim have acknowledged that they have in the past benefited from the presence of the large number of Russian tourists who have traditionally preferred these areas. The trouble started when the Russians stopped being tourists but moved in to take over the tourism business. They started off more than a decade ago by buying huge amounts of property in Morjim and Arambol and some other northern coastal villages.

They started gradually taking over the tourism trade, going to the extent of setting up their own hotels. The Russians have also intruded into the business of transporting their competitors, not only in the coastal villages of North Goa but even South Goa. The Russians have been buying vehicles and even taking over the taxis owned by locals, depriving locals of the very lucrative business of transporting tourists. Unlike in the case of the British and the German charters, the Russians have been employing not only their own tour representatives but even their own tour guides.

Forget about being courteous and respecting the sentiments of locals, the Russians have been discouraging if not obstructing the entry of non Russian tourists to the northern coastal villages. Russians who have come to Goa on tourist visas have illegally set up hotels, restaurants, travel agencies and allegedly even whorehouses to cater to fellow Russians. Indeed like the proverbial story of the Arab and the camel, Russians have thrown out the Goans, who gave them shelter and welcomed them to their villages, from their own homes and their own businesses.

It is the arrogance of the Russians who have virtually colonised Morjim and other coastal villages in the North which has led to increasing friction. The situation is compounded by the fact that Russians are not only alleged to be involved in a big way with narcotics but have also displaced locals who used to organise rave parties. It would appear as though the villagers of Morjim and other coastal areas will have to wage another liberation war to free themselves from the clutches of Russians. Which may not be easy as Russians apparently enjoy political patronage at the highest levels in the government, particularly the home ministry. It is alleged that the present crackdown on Israeli drug peddlers is part of the war between the Russian mafia and the Israeli mafia for control of the narcotics trade in the north.

CORRUPT ANC

AND a few stray observations on the confirmation of the widespread belief that the Anti Narcotics Cell of the police and the police force in general is among the most corrupt in the country. It has been well known for quite some time that the tourist police and the traffic police routinely extort money from foreign tourists. It is equally well known that in the overwhelming majority of so called seizure of drugs and narcotic substances, only a small quantity is bought on record while the rest is retained by the police. It has been well known that policemen themselves have been involved in drug trafficking, as was dramatised by the arrest and suspension of a police constable who was caught with over a kilo of charas.

It is also well known that the drug trader thrives on kickbacks to police even at senior levels. We are not therefore surprised that the samples of drugs sent to the forensic laboratories in two high profile cases, including the case of the constable arrested for peddling, turned out to be fertiliser, or more specifically urea in one case and a mixture of coffee and some other substance in another. Presumably the actual drugs seized were sold to drug dealers or drug users and were substituted with other innocuous substances. We refuse to believe that officials of the Anti Narcotics Cell of the Goa police do not know the difference between urea and a narcotic substance.

In other states in the country, seized narcotic substances are regularly destroyed so as to ensure that the police do not get involved in the drug trade. In all the 26 years or more that I have been in Goa, I do not know of a single instance when there was organised destruction of narcotic substances seized during various drug raids. And I am also suspicious of the reasons being advanced by the Anti Narcotics Cell of the Goa police to deny access to the Narcotics Control Bureau to the Israeli drug peddler Dudu. There should be greater transparency and accountability in the seizure of drugs, the storage of seized drugs and for their periodic destruction to prevent the police from selling the seized drugs to the drug user or even worse back to the drug dealer.

DRUG MAFIA

AND a few stray observations on Home Minister Ravi Naik consolidating his alleged hold over the drug mafia in the state. We understand that the Home Minister is not too happy with what he considers excessive enthusiasm on the part of the Anti Narcotics Cell SP Veenu Bansal in cracking down on the narcotics trade. It is well known that the primary and the major market for the sale of narcotics in the state are the rave parties organised by locals, Russians and Israelis. Historically, permission for holding a rave party or for that matter any party such as a music concert or a music festival was given by the revenue officials namely the Mamlatdar or the deputy collector. The Home Minister has now decreed that no parties other than traditional functions like marriages can be organised without permission or No Objection Certificate from the Home Ministry. Which automatically ensures that the Home Minister will get his share of kickbacks from the organisers of rave parties and festivals like the Sunburn Festival.

]]> http://goanobserver.com/pawar-supporting-seven-to-secure-aldeia-stake.html/feed http://goanobserver.com/create-your-own-retirement-corpus.html http://goanobserver.com/create-your-own-retirement-corpus.html#comments Sun, 07 Mar 2010 10:22:09 +0000 goanobserver http://goanobserver.com/?p=1355 BY SUNIL DHAWAN

PENSION plans are exclusively designed for those who would like to have financial discipline imposed on them as they approach retirement. Once you hop on to such a plan and continue saving regularly till retirement, the assurance of getting a pension is largely fixed. This, however, does not mean that you may not resort to a tailor-made investment schedule and take an active role in shaping your retire­ment portfolio. Several other invest­ment products in isolation or a combi­nation of them could help you achieve similar goals. Mayank Bathwal, chief financial officer, Birla Sun Life Insurance, says, “There is no problem with the approach of building one’s own investment nest. This approach is ideal for those who are active investors and have the ability to construct the right portfolio, which enables them to diversify and benefit from the long-term investment strategy.”

First. Ensure that you and your family mem­bers are covered by a health insurance plan. Keep an adequate life cover, preferably through a term insurance plan of at least seven times of your annual income.

Options. For those looking for exposure in equities, your retirement portfolio may comprise direct investment in stocks, equity mutual funds or unit-linked insurance plans (Ulips). The debt portion of your portfolio may largely comprise bank fixed deposits, post office instruments like Public Provident Fund (PPF), National Savings Certificate (NSC) or the Kisan Vikas Patras. You could also invest in gold, preferably through gold ETF (exchange-traded fund), for 5-10 percent of your portfolio. Real estate may also form a part of your portfolio, but should ideally be less than 25 percent of your port­folio without leveraging.

ON RETIREMENT

equities. Stick to large-cap stocks and do not try to time the markets. Buying at regular intervals could be one approach rather than deploying any lump sum in your chosen stock. “Leveraging the capital markets alone for building a retirement corpus is not advised as capital markets are subject to high volatility,” says Pankaj Desai, executive director, Kotak Life Insurance. Those early in their life stage may look at few mid-cap stocks too.

Mutual funds. Initially, you may choose to start with index funds or ETFs. With experience, you can move to diversified equity funds. As you start building up savings, thematic or sector funds may be used as well.

Fixed income products. Fixed income products such as PPF, NSC or even bank deposits, could form a part of your retirement portfolio. Ideally, maximise your savings up to Rs.70,000 in PPF even if you have a voluntary con­tribution towards Employees’ Provident Fund. You may keep saving in NSC over the years and rolling over on each matu­rity without redeeming it till you reach the desired retirement age.

A word of caution though. Says Manik Nangia, corporate vice-president, prod­uct management, Max New York Life Insurance: “The liquid nature of these investment instruments could prove as a deterrent to long-term planning and there might be a tendency to use the corpus for other life-stage needs, com­promising on retirement planning.”

DERISKING

APPROACHING your retirement may find you reversing the asset allocation you had in the initial years of savings. Derisking your portfolio from the volatility of the market should ideally start at least 10 years away from retirement. Slowly, one should keep shifting funds from riskier assets towards less volatile debt assets. However, at no time should you be entirely into debt.

Courtesy: Outlook Money

]]> http://goanobserver.com/create-your-own-retirement-corpus.html/feed http://goanobserver.com/communidades-under-scanner.html http://goanobserver.com/communidades-under-scanner.html#comments Sun, 07 Mar 2010 10:19:56 +0000 goanobserver http://goanobserver.com/?p=1354 BY PRADNYA GAONKAR

Many Goans are questioning the age-old system of communidades as many have been guilty of fraudulently selling land.

COMMUNIDADES, the Portuguese version of Gaunkari, are ancient Indian socio-agro-economic institutions established by the original inhabitants thousands of years before the Portuguese rule. Though the origin of the communidades is unclear, available evidence indicates that these bodies existed even during the 13th and 14th centuries. The first settlers in Goa — the Gaonkars, who are believed to have arrived here during medieval times — cleared the land and settled down, establishing self-sufficient local bodies to manage village-level administration. The land was owned by the community as a whole, though there was private property. A communidade consists of definite boundaries of land from village to village with its topographic detail, its management and social, religious and cultural interaction. There are at present about 223 communidades functioning in Goa. These heritage institutions have now come under the public scanner due to the increasing cases of fraud and illegal allotment of land by communidade members coming to light. The recent case has been that of the Sirsaim communidade where one out of three former members of the communidade allegedly involved in illegal allotment of land and misappropriation of funds were arrested. Two of them are absconding. In a writ petition filed by Ratnakar Parab and others, they complained that the former managing committee illegally sold 306 plots belonging to the Communidade of Sirsaim.

The panel comprising of Agnelo D’Souza, Nashiket Parab and Pandurang Parab, who were elected for triennium 2001-04, continued in office till 2007. The petitioners alleged that during their tenure, several illegalities were committed including misappropriation of funds and allotment of plots to various applicants in violation of the Communidade Code. Reportedly, illegal allotment of 306 plots in 14 survey numbers had been carried out without the approval of the government, amounting to a huge financial fraud running into crores of rupees. As per the Code of Communidade, no Communidade can allot plots to any applicant without approval from the government. In some plots, houses have already been constructed whereas in other cases construction work is in progress. A police complaint was also filed by the Administrator of Communidades, North Zone at Mapusa Police Station against the Communidade members alleging that around 87 illegal allotments were done and investigation is in progress. The Division Bench issued a direction to the Director General of Police to take over the investigation where the former members were found guilty and warrants were issued for their arrest.

ONE AMONG MANY

“The Sirsaim communidade is just one case that has been highlighted because of the new committee that was elected who brought the illegalities of the opponent members to light. There are so many illegalities thriving in almost all the communidades in Goa as the administrators appointed by the government, who are supposed to the look into the audit reports and carry out random checks, dosn’t function at all,” laments Adv Andre Periera, Secretary of the Association of Componentes of Communidade, Goa. The Centre has appointed one administrator in each district to look into the affairs of the Communidade. The Law of Communidade was amended in 1997, according to which one representative is to be appointed by the Government. The Association finds it difficult to function with a part time administrator, which is probably the reason behind lack of control over the increasing illegalities.

The basic functions of every Communidade in every locality are those of welfare. Every gaonkar is the direct male descendant of the first founders of the institution of Gaonkari in the village. In other words, gaonkars are co-owners of the land and of all the assets of their respective Communidades being successors-in-interest in common, through their first ancestors. According to the Code of Communidade, lands of the Communidades cannot be alienated in favour of any person or authority, in any manner whatsoever. The land of the Communidade cannot be mortgaged or attached by any means to settle debts, loss or deficit of the Communidade, if any. All such debts, loss or deficit have to be borne by all the gaonkars of the respective Communidade proportionately, to meet any such cases. During earlier stages of its inception, communidades auctioned off parcels of land to cultivators whose payments helped finance the activities of the communidade.

As a local self-governing body, the communidade was responsible for providing a network of public roadways, aqueducts for storing rain water, drainage of marshy land, etc. They also maintained temples and financed religious, artistic and educational pursuits within their jurisdiction. Membership of the gaonkaris or the communidades was restricted to the descendants of the original gaonkars and shareholders (components). As per the Code of the Communidades formally codified by the Portuguese during the 16th century, the shareholders and the Gaonkars comprise the general body while the day-to-day management of the communidade is undertaken by a three-member elected managing committee. The working of the communidades is looked into by the administrators appointed by the government.

DUTIES

EVERY Gaonkar is duty bound to report all illegalities and irregularities noticed in the Communidade and has the authority to file suits or, by any legal means, recover any loss, damage or deficit suffered by the Communidade at the instance of any person (including managing committee members, attorneys, administrators etc.) or Government authorities and also seek cover in favour of the Communidade. The gaonkars protecting the interests of their Communidade are entitled to be lawfully reimbursed the cost incurred by them from the funds of the respective Communidade. Code of Communidade is a conventional law codified. In addition, every communidade has its own private law based on the particular nature of their locality. The Code of Communidades is declared public law vide DIPLOMA LEGISLATIVO No. 2070 dated April, 15, 1961 and recognises that absolute ownership of land lies with the respective Communidade, down to the centre of the earth. The original communidade is an institution of the gaonkars, by the Gaonkars, for the Gaonkars spread throughout the state covering all the citizens of the respective village. The Code of Communidades is a law of gaonkars, by gaonkars and for gaonkars. The Law of Communidades is not enacted by the State Legislature, but by the Gaonkars themselves. Neither the State Legislature nor Parliament is vested with powers or authority of the Constitution of India to make laws for gaonkars.

The state has no eminent domain over the lands of the Communidades to acquire or impose agrarian land reforms. Communidade lands so acquired by the wrongful exercise of authority of eminent domain by the state (both for state and central governments, government agencies or companies, corporations or housing boards etc) are liable for forfeiture and recovery. The acquisition of the land so far made is at the risk of the government or those parties who have obtained undue benefits. This has been experienced at a larger scale in recent times with increase in industrialisation and construction accompanied by corruption. More than 35 years after the Tenancy Act, 1964 began robbing Goa’s communidades (community farms) of their land, rapid industrialisation has threatened to transfer the last of the land into the hands of builders and industrialists.

It has been pointed out that the Industrial Development Corporation acquired land from Communidade at prices as low as Rs. Two per sq m and is later sold to industries for up to Rs.600 per sq m. Since the government doesn’t have any land of its own, the state prefers to acquire communidade land. Those in favour of the industrialisation find it easier to acquire land from communidades as it is relatively hassle-free with fewer opponents as against acquisition of land belonging to individuals. There are some who find it difficult to go hunting for the gaonkars who are hardly available and do not possess all the documents required. Individuals keep their documents ready with them making the acquisition process easier.

With the increasing demand for land, it is observed that gaonkars have been involved in land dealings with the construction lobby by transferring the amount to their own account without reporting to the communidade office. “There has been no audit report asked for by the administrator. The incompetency of the administrator of communidade has given a free hand to the managing committee members who are behaving like monsters grabbing land,” charges Periera. The Government Gazette indicates hundreds of acres of communidade land being acquired by the government every month.

BENEFICIARIES

TILL 1964, more than one-third of Goa’s 3,021 sq km area comprising paddies, orchards, pastures and wastelands was owned by 223 communidades spread across the state. The thousands of descendants of the original Gaunkars and shareholders, though scattered all over the world, continue to be the beneficiaries of the communidades. However, the code of communidades prohibits the Gaonkars and shareholders from dividing or alienating the common property in any way as a result of which the land in the possession of tenants is also classified as communidade land. The structure of the communidades was disturbed following the introduction of the Tenancy Act in 1964 under which even leaseholders with permits to pluck fruits for even a single season were given ownership rights overnight. After acquiring the ownership, the leaseholders sell the land to the construction lobby. According to the ACC, only 20-25 communidades still earn some income by way of interests. Others are paid a pittance when the communidade lands are acquired by the government. Incidentally, as per the compensation packages formulated by the government, the communidades are to be paid 40 paise per sq m while the occupant will receive Rs.29.40 per sq m.

Following their loss of land, many componentes have lost interest in the functioning of the communidades. Managing Committee members concentrate on the profits earned on their share of land. With most communidades on the verge of bankruptcy, feeble attempts are now being made to recover their lands Another discrepancy that has been highlighted with the laws of communidades is the unavailability of a corrected translated copy of the Law of Communidades, which is available in Portuguese, known to only a few people in the state. “There is an unauthentic version in circulation, which does not give the true meaning of the original law,” claims Periera.

What is more important here is the fact that the functioning of the communidade has not been made public. Public participation, which is an important part of the communidade, has been ignored which has led to increased discrepancies. “No one is demanding openness. Political interference is blatant as they more concentrating in increasing the vote banks and encroaching on Communidade land. People are supposed to participate, which is hardly seen. Rather than being stupid, our fellows prefer to be ignorant,” aggrieves Periera.

]]> http://goanobserver.com/communidades-under-scanner.html/feed http://goanobserver.com/sea-link-to-nowhere%e2%80%a6.html http://goanobserver.com/sea-link-to-nowhere%e2%80%a6.html#comments Sun, 07 Mar 2010 10:16:59 +0000 goanobserver http://goanobserver.com/?p=1353 LET US all stop this ridiculous idea of a bridge or sea link to Vasco (or was it to be Sambhaji Nagar to Dona Paula) which will be a white elephant like the huge bridge at Aldona where, again, our money was wasted on building a huge, costly bridge, which has hardly any vehicles or people crossing over it to justify its cost. Of course, a huge IFFI party could be held on the sea link to justify its existence, as was done in Aldona.

At the seminar held at the International Centre to understand the reason behind the sea link idea, speaker after learned speaker outright rejected the idea with valid reasons and the idea of a bridge at this location should have been dropped, but - as per news in the press - it seems the government is hell bent on building the bridge and pushing ahead with this dumb idea at super speed.

As pointed out at the seminar by a representative of the GCCI - the apex body representing the business community of Goa - another bridge at Cortalim is needed urgently to carry vehicles like trucks and containers along the highway since the present bridge is unsafe and all such traffic is diverted and has to travel the torturous route via Ponda, instead of this coastal highway road that joins the North to South. Again, the two-lane bridge cannot sustain heavy traffic and a four-lane bridge is necessary. Also, another bridge from Panaji to Betim should be built as there is very heavy movement of vehicles here.

A professor from Goa University pointed out that matters like the stinking garbage problem, polluting mines, etc are much more pressing, not forgetting the fairy tale River Princess eroding Goa’s most famous beach in the North and the government should spend its time, money and energies on solving these issues, instead of this bridge in the sky that is unnecessary and a huge money waster. After all, it is our money that will be used to finance this project.

More people need to raise their voices against this ridiculous waste of our money on fancy ideas that will cost huge amounts of money - money that be better utilized for our good elsewhere in our state.

Annand Madgavkar,
Via email.

CHIEF JUSTICE

THE Chief Justice of Delhi High Court, A P Shah recently retired with a deep sense of hurt. Justice Shah, a senior most High Court Chief Justice, was bypassed by the Supreme Court collegium, denying him elevation to the apex court. He was a victim of the existing system of judicial appointments. It is very clear that the current procedure for selecting Supreme and High Court judges lacks transparency and is shrouded in much secrecy.  Parameters must be laid down for the selection process so that only the best and brightest filter through.

During his 21-month tenure as the Chief Justice of Delhi High Court,  A P Shah came to be known for his pro-poor policies, transparency, reasonableness in public policies and for taking up the cause of the disabled. He will also be remembered for his brave and landmark judgment in bringing the office of the Chief Justice of India under the purview of the Right to Information Act. Justice AP Shah has been very candid in admitting that corruption in judiciary is a reality that cannot be denied.

Having retired as a High Court Justice, AP Shah will not be seeking any post retirement plum posting but has decided to associate himself with the late Baba Amte’s Anand Wan Ashram at Chandrapur district in Maharashtra. He plans to be actively engaged in social work, tackling problems like lack of access to the health care services for the mentally disabled. A very noble way of paying back to society.

Aires Rodrigues,
Ribandar.

The ministers in the Chief Minister’s cabinet do not serve at his pleasure. The CM continues to occupy the chief minister’s chair at the whim of his cabinet colleagues - a case of the tails wagging the dog.

BIOLOGICALLY, IT is the dog which wags its tail. But in politics, particularly in the parliamentary system of democracy, more often than not it is the tail or tails which wag the dog. In a parliamentary democracy, the prime minister or the chief minister is normally the leader of the legislative party and has the support of the majority of the elected legislators of his own party. When no single party has an absolute majority, the leader of the group which has the support of the majority is elected the leader of the legislative party and is invited to form the government. In the case of Goa, in the Legislative Assembly elections, the Indian National Congress secured 16 seats and the Bharatiya Janata Party secured 14. Of the remaining 10 seats, two went to the SGF - that of Churchill Alemao who defeated Luizinho Faleiro and Reginaldo Lourenco who defeated senior Congress leader, Francisco Sardinha in Curtorim.

PAWAR-GIRI

THREE seats were won by the NCP — the Benaulim seat, which was won by a very narrow margin by Mickky Pacheco, the Vasco seat which was won by Jose Philip D’Souza and the Tivim seat, which was won by Nilkant Halarnkar. The MGP won the two seats, held by Dhavlikar brothers, Sudin and Deepak. Babush Monserrate, at the last moment changed his mind about contesting as a Congress or UGDP candidate and won the seat as an independent. Vishwajit Rane was denied a ticket by the Congress party. He contested and won the Valpoi seat as an independent.

After the elections results were out, in the hectic lobbying to form the government, the three member NCP group, the two member MGP group and the independent MLAs Babush Monserrate and Vishwajit Rane decided to extend support to the Congress to form the government. But the choice of Ravi Naik by the Congress High Command did not meet with the approval of either the Dhavlikar brothers or the Yuvraj Vishwajit Rane. Indeed, the Dhavlikar brothers and Vishwajit Rane threatened to withdraw support to the Congress if it stuck to its decision to impose Ravi Naik as the leader of the Congress Legislative Party and, by corollary, the candidate for the post of chief minister.

YUVRAJ TANTRUMS

NOT surprisingly, Vishwajit Rane, who had been running a parallel government whenever his father Pratapsingh Raoji Rane was the chief minister, insisted that his support to the Congress would be conditioned on papa being made the chief minister. The Congress High Command was, however, not very keen on making senior Rane the chief minister of a coalition government as his style of functioning might alienate the coalition partners. Senior Rane himself backed out of the race to be chief minister when it was made clear to him that if he became chief minister, there would be no question of his son Vishwajit being accommodated in the cabinet on the principle that two members of the same family could not be members of the cabinet.

To resolve the stalemate, the special team of High Command observers comprising Sushilkumar Shinde and Priyaranjandas Munshi asked senior Rane to nominate a candidate for the chief minister’s post who would be acceptable not only to him but the coalition partners. It was Pratpasingh Raoji Rane who reportedly recommended the name of Digamber Kamat, the former confidant of Manohar Parrikar who had switched sides, for the post of chief minister. So, Digamber Kamat became the chief minister, not because either the Congress High Command or the Congress Low Command considered him the most suitable candidate for the post, but because he was the only one among the senior Congress leaders who was acceptable to Pratapsingh Rane and, more importantly, to his son Vishwajit Rane.

NO DISCRETION

IN the normal course in a parliamentary democracy, the chief minister has absolute discretion on choosing his team and deciding who will become members of his cabinet. Given the circumstances under which Digamber Kamat became the chief minister, he had no choice but to accommodate five members of the group of seven supporting him as cabinet ministers. He was also compelled to give the coveted portfolio of PWD to Sudin Dhavlikar of the MGP. This caused much bitterness and ill feeling within the Congress Legislative Party. The group of seven who had agreed to extend support to Digamber Kamat were also equally unhappy that two of the group — Deepak Dhavlikar of the MGP and Nilkant Halarnkar of the NCP — were not accommodated in the cabinet.

To strengthen the Congress Legislative Party and to counter Babush Monserrate and Vishwajit Rane, Digamber Kamat wooed the Save Goa Front MLAs, Churchill Alemao and Reginald Lourenco, whose induction into the Congress would increase the strength of the Congress party from the original 16 seats it won in the elections to 18. Digamber Kamat calculated that with the additional support of the three NCP candidates, he would be much less vulnerable to blackmail and toppling by Vishwajit and Babush. But to accommodate Churchill, Digamber Kamat had to sacrifice Sudin Dhavlikar as Alemao insisted on the PWD portfolio as a condition for merging the SGF with the Congress. This did not please the dissidents within the Congress such as Agnelo Fernandes, Francis Silveira, Victoria Fernandes and Mauvin Godinho, who became bitter that berths in the cabinet and prized portfolios were given to non-Congressmen.

Meanwhile, NCP president Sharad Pawar, the master strategist decided to woo Vishwajit Rane, who had developed a very strong electoral base in the two talukas of Sattari and Bicholim, which together account for five constituencies. A pact was entered into between Sharad Pawar and Vishwajit Rane, whereby it was decided that the Junior Rane would support the NCP group in the Legislative Assembly. The Dhavlikars have always been close to the Rane family, having been the traditional bhatjis of the family. So when Sudhin Dhavlikar was dropped from the cabinet to accommodate Churchill Alemao, there was a fresh revolt against the Digamber Kamat government. A revolt which had the tacit support of several dissident Congress MLAs who believed that they had not got their due share of the fishes and loaves of office. To appease Vishwajit Rane and company, Digamber Kamat was compelled to drop senior Congress leader and then finance minister Dayanand Navekar to accommodate Sudin Dhavlikar as transport minister.

LATEST REVOLTS

THE latest revolts against the Digamber Kamat have ironically been for the same reasons that had made Dayanand Narvekar, the former finance minister, extremely unpopular with his cabinet colleagues and the coalition group supporting the Digamber Kamat government. Digamber Kamat very quickly bankrupted the treasury because he could not resist or say no to even the most outrageous demands of his cabinet colleagues. Such as Churchill Alemao’s demand for building not one bridge, but three new bridges in his constituency. And similar demands by Vishwajit Rane who wanted large amounts of funds to ostensibly strengthen the infrastructure for medicare in the state but actually was more interested in the kickbacks that mega projects would provide him.

Virtually every member of the cabinet also prevailed upon Digamber Kamat to form new corporations such as the Education Corporation and the Medical Services Corporation, which would not only help them help themselves to a greater share of the loot and plunder, but would also allow them to bypass any constraints or restrictions that the new Regional Plan 2021 might place on them. The funds available with the Finance Minister are not infinite. Moreover, in his anxiety to appease every one and not antagonise anyone, Digamber Kamat had virtually abandoned the additional resource mobilisation measures he had announced in his budget in 2009 which had envisaged a levy on mining rejects and a professional tax, which would have fetched an additional Rs. 800 crore as revenue.

So much so, by the middle of the financial year 2009-10 the CM discovered there was no money in the kitty. Which resulted not only in a freeze on new projects, but delay even in funding existing projects, angering almost every cabinet colleague. Babush Monserrate was furious because the CM refused to or was unable to release funds for the cyberage scheme. Churchill Alemao was annoyed because the government did not or could not release the funds for various PWD projects he had undertaken and even tendered. most of which were intended to cater to the Navelim constituency. Similarly, additional demand for funds from Vishwajit and some of the others were also being stalled.

Without money for existing projects or new projects, the honourable or dishonourable mantris could not keep the people of their constituency happy. Far worse, their own fortunes were affected as, with funding for projects at a standstill, there would be no kickbacks. Among the worst affected was the PWD as contractors who had not been paid for months decided not to respond to tender for new projects. Even when the funds were finally released, Churchill Alemao’s cabinet colleagues were upset because of his insistence that contractors in the Navelim constituency should be paid first, leaving his cabinet colleagues and other MLAs supporting the government in a soup. The recent demands for a change in leadership have been primarily triggered by Digamber Kamat’s mismanagement of the scarce financial resources of the state and its inability to instill even a modicum of financial discipline.

COMMON GROUSE

THE group of seven, which had virtually disintegrated following the merger of the SGF with the Congress and differences between Babush Monserrate and Vishwajit Rane, was revived because of the common grouse about the CM not releasing enough funds for the duo’s pet projects. Some members of the NCP, particularly Mickky Pacheco, declared war against Digamber Kamat and Ravi Naik for the sharp deterioration in the law and order situation, particularly the attacks on foreign tourists which had an adverse effect on charter tourists. The Dhavlikar brothers were unhappy because they became aware that the Congress High Command may ask Digamber kamat to drop Sudin Dhavlikar from the cabinet because of his association with the Sanatan Sanstha.

Babush Monserrate became apprehensive that he would also be dropped from the cabinet after he was charge-sheeted in the Panaji police station attack case, citing the precedent of Dayanand Narvekar, who had been dropped to accommodate Sudin Dhavlikar citing his being charge-sheeted in the cricket ticket scam case. The group of seven also got wind of the fact that Digamber Kamat had been given the green signal to drop Sudin Dhavlikar and Babush Monserrate from the cabinet to facilitate the return of Dayanand Narvekar and Pandurang Madkaikar into the cabinet.

LEADERSHIP CHANGE

CONTRARY to the vehement denials of Chief Minister Digamber Kamat, there was a demand for a change in the leadership of the Congress Legislative Party and, as a corollary, in the chief minister’s position. The Congress High Command had apparently agreed to consider the demand for a change of leadership. Unlike in the past, Pratapsingh Rane told the High Command that he was willing to assume the chief minister’s post if he was offered the same by the Congress High Command. The ever greedy and ambitious Churchill Alemao also threw his hat into the ring. Congress President Sonia Gandhi, after consultation with her confidants like Ahmed Patil, had apparently given the green signal for replacing Digamber Kamat and installing Pratapsingh Rane as the chief minister yet once again. With one caveat that if Pratapsingh Rane was made the chief minister, Vishwajit Rane would have to vacate the cabinet, consistent with the principle that two members of a family cannot be members of the cabinet. Both father and son, Pratapsingh Rane and Vishwajit, lost their enthusiasm for a change in leadership as the son, who has become politically more powerful than the father, was not willing to pay the price of vacating the cabinet to facilitate the father becoming chief minister.

Digamber Kamat, having survived the crisis, decided to strike back. He secured clearance from the Congress High Command to drop Sudin Dhavlikar and Babush Monserrate from the cabinet. Simultaneously, Digamber Kamat mended fences with the politically savvy Dayanand Narvekar, who had been trying to foment and aggravate the revolt within the Congress against Digamber Kamat. But Vishwajit Rane, having been unable to persuade the Congress High Command to retain him in the cabinet even after a change of leadership in favour of his father, decided that it would not be in the interest of the Rane parivar that Dhavlikar should be dropped.

Which is why the swearing in of Madkaikar in place of Sudin Dhavlikar as the Transport Minister was aborted. Pratapsingh Raoji Rane, who can destabalise Digamber Kamat by disqualifying Churchill Alemao and Reginald Lourenco apparently used his clout at the Centre to abort the reshuffle in the cabinet. It is not a coincidence that Vishwajit Rane rushed to meet Chief Minister Digamber Kamat even as the Raj Bhavan was making the arrangements for the swearing in of Pandurang Madkaikar. The NCP also decided that it was in its best interest that the status quo be maintained. So Sharad Pawar is reported to have also spoken to Sonia Gandhi to abort the planned reshuffle.

SWEARING-IN ABORTED

IT is significant that the group of seven met NCP President Sharad Pawar in Mumbai on Sunday to declare that they were together. Significantly, while they claimed that they supported the Digamber Kamat government, in the same, breath the statements said that change in leadership in the Congress Legislative Party was an internal matter of the Congress High Command. But nobody can fail to see the implied threat. The threat being that if any member of the group of seven was sought to be dropped by Digamber Kamat, the group as a whole would revolt against the government. A threat which Digamber Kamat dare not ignore because minus the group of seven, his government will not be able to pass the budget. And the convention is that if a ruling party or group is defeated on the floor of the house on any financial bill, it is required to resign.

In conclusion, let us look at the arithmetic which will make it clear that it is the tails comprising the group of eight, inclusive of Speaker Pratapsingh Rane, who are wagging the dog. In theory, ministers serve at the pleasure of the chief minister. In the case of Digamber Kamat, his continuance as chief minister depends on the pleasure or displeasure of the group of seven which has been strengthened with the support of the Speaker Pratapsingh Rane.

SEAT ARITHMETIC

INCLUSIVE of the group of seven, the Congress — including the questionably merged SGF — has a strength of 25 MLAs in the 40 member house. Since the Speaker Pratapsingh Raoji Rane cannot vote unless there is a tie, the actual strength of the Congress, including the SGF (who are liable for disqualification), is 24. So much so, the Digamber Kamat government needs the continued support of the group of seven to survive. Even if Vishwajit Rane, by himself, is willing to support the government it would not be enough unless the three member NCP group also support the government during the budget session. For all practical purposes, the NCP is now a group of four with Vishwajit Rane having entered into a not so secret pact with Sharad Pawar. In fact the NCP can even be considered a group of five as Papa is also now with the NCP. And Vishwajit, being a shrewd operator, does not want to be dependent entirely on the NCP. Which is why he is making sure that he continues to have the support of the Dhavlikar brothers as, with them, it becomes a group of three. The new realignment could pose a threat to Churchill Alemao, who is the most dispensable of the troublesome and irritating colleagues of Digamber Kamat. The tail is now so strong that the dog has no choice but to dance or act as dictated by the tail — or should we say tails?

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